The first day of the strike passed off, in a sense, uneventfully. The absence of trains and trams is not a new thing; it was borne good humouredly, and in no part of the country did any kind of serious disturbance occur. Already, by the second day, there have been ominous signs that this peaceful state of affairs is gradually giving way to a more dangerous temper. From various parts of the country incidents are reported which involved minor damage to property, and in some cases in personal injuries. Nothing that has happened so far is of serious consequence in itself, but it is plain enough that every day the strike lasts the strain on the nerves will be greater, the number of incidents will grow and the danger to life and property become more serious. It is true that on the other hand the capacity of the nation, after the first shock, to adjust itself to the complete disarrangement of its ordinary methods of living and working is already beginning to assert itself, and that transport facilities, in particular, are likely to improve with time. But this does not alter the fact that on the whole the situation must grow from bad to worse, partly through the cumulative effects of the slowing down of industry, but even more through the cumulative effects of nerve strain. This remains true, even though there is evidence of some dissatisfaction among the members of certain unions with the way in which, without consultation, their executives have put them under the absolute orders of the Trade Unions Congress. If, here and there, resentment should lead to a breakaway from the official policy the general temper of the trade unions appears to be hardening, like that of the Government, and defections from the general strike orders, if they occur, may be balanced by fresh recruits in other industries.
Is this to be a struggle of exhaustion, like that of the great war? If so the symptoms of disorder which have already been noted can only lead in the end to rioting and bloodshed. A struggle of exhaustion on this scale can rarely end without no experience. It is perfectly true, scenes of violence on a scale of which for generations this country has had as the Home Secretary said yesterday, that once a conflict of this kind has broken out the Government must use all its powers to maintain the major public services. The technical branches of the army and navy are available for supplying certain services who have been or may be withdrawn and cannot easily be replaced. There is no reason why, if necessary, they should not be used. Sir William Joynson-Hicks has taken steps to use them for the supply of electricity and motor spirit and for railway transport. But some other regulations which he has introduced under the emergency Powers Act are highly dangerous. The right of arrest without warrant is, in particular, one which, even in hands more cautious than those of the present Home Secretary, is far more likely to be abused than to serve the cause of order and justice. It is typical of the kind of power which should not be exercised, save in the most extreme circumstances. that the Government should prepare for the worst is not objectionable, but to assume the worst before it has happened is provocative.
HOUSE OF COMMONS.
WHY the NEGOTIATIONS BROKE DOWN.
Important Statement by Party Leaders.
In the House of Commons yesterday, the Home Secretary moved the confirmation of the regulations under the Emergency Powers Act. He said the regulations were for one month only, after which their renewal must be the subject of and proclamation and order of the House. The Government and the whole country hoped it would not be necessary to extend the period. Explaining the purport and the regulations, he pointed out that they would enable the Government to take possession of lands, buildings and various undertakings, such as electricity and gas, so that if necessary they could be kept in operation for the benefit of the nation as a whole.
Mr. T. P. O╒Connor asked why did not the parties come together again. What was the dignity of any man, compared with this great disaster?
Mr. Clynes said that in the end Labour could not be beaten.
Lord Hugh Cecil, while urging that the first step towards a solution of the difficulty was that the general strike should come to an end, said don╒t let us speak about having victory over one another. Let us try by commonsense to get the best settlement we can.
Mr J. H. Thomas said that the speech of Lord Hugh Cecil, delivered from a detached point of view, was the one contribution which had been made to the problem this afternoon.
╥Let there be no misunderstanding,╙ said Mr. Thomas. ╥There was no formula. At eleven o╒clock on Sunday night I had not a formula, but the Prime Minister╒s own words in his own handwriting in my possession as a means of settling, and I accept it on behalf of the T.U.C. We had not only accepted it, but had taken the responsibility of saying: ╘Never mind what the miners or anybody else say, we accept it╒.╙ These were the words, explained Mr. Thomas, that the Prime Minister himself had written down as being a common basis of settlement.
The Prime Minister said he did not think his recollection was very different from what had been said. The discussion that was being held was very private, and what his colleagues, Lord Birkenhead and the Minister of Labour and himself, were endeavouring to do on their side was to get an assurance from the trades council that they felt confident that a settlement would be arrived at on the lines of the report. What he was clear about was that they were going to see the miners╒ executive, which had been summoned from the country, on the subject to see if they could get some such assurance from them.
They were to see the miners about 11 o╒clock, and he (the Prime Minister) was in a position of great anxiety for negotiating under a threat. He doubted the wisdom of it, but he ran the risk of the situation. It was whilst the trades unions Council were asking the miners, and whilst he and his colleagues were explaining to the Council the significance of it, that they learned of the first active move and that a general strike was actually being made. They heard by telephone that they were trying to in those circles the whole situation suppress the press. They felt that in those circumstances the whole situation was completely changed.
The Prime Minister said the Government felt that this was more than a threat. This was direct action of the worst kind. Under these circumstances the Government had to take its stand. He confirmed what he had previously said, that there was every hope of an agreement being reached if the discussions had been continued had it not been for the declaration of a general strike.
Mr. Ramsay Macdonald said that the Prime Minister knew what the mind of the representatives of the general council was. He also knew that at that moment the General Council, having specially summoned the miners╒ executive, were in consultation with them in the room next door to that in which the Cabinet was sitting. Then the news about the Daily Mail arrived. There was never a question put by the Cabinet to the people in the other room. They were neither asked whether they knew anything about it or whether they were responsible for it or what action it was proposed to make in reference to the matter. At that time they were busy working out a formula, and the letter was received which changed the whole situation.
On the receipt of this letter, said Mr. Macdonald, his colleagues decided to send a deputation to the next room where the Government representatives were sitting, and to ask what it was all about and to explain the whole situation to them.
When the deputation arrived at that room they found the door locked and the whole place in darkness. (Labour cries of ╥Shame╙)
